Wednesday, June 12, 2013

A New Prospectus for Science?

  I was recently delighted to come across the works of Professor Philip Kitcher of Columbia University, one of whose books I cited in [1].  An acclaimed philosopher, he blessedly doesn't seem to have a metaphysical bone in his body—unlike those whose philosophy-cum-metaphysics I have decried [2,3].   I was therefore inspired to read another of his books, Science in a Democratic Society. 

  The book argues that science only very imperfectly conforms itself to the role it should play in a democracy, a failing that has resulted in increasing popular suspicion of its results.  It notes that respect for science in the U.S. has fallen far from that in its post-World War II heyday, during which era it was much influenced by Vannevar Bush's famous report to President Roosevelt, Science, the Endless Frontier.   Kitcher thinks a newer prospectus for science is essential for our era.

  Kitcher points to a harsh indicator of the falling esteem for science and scientists:  The new sciences of molecular biology, genetic modification of organisms (GMO), and global warming have been received with mistrust, anger and denial by substantial numbers.   He maintains that the shift is partially because science has not properly included itself as much within the conventions of democratic consensus as is currently expected of it.  Scientists remain too much removed from most of the citizenry, sometimes seeming to set themselves up as godheads looking down on the values and wisdom of the folk.  Society is culpable too, for it does not adequately educate all its members about the results, methods and limitations of science.  Kitcher therefore addresses his book to a proposal for returning science to a more-accepted position.

  In a perfect democracy, Kitcher writes, each adult would be fully informed and have equal weight in decision making.  While that may be possible in a democracy with only dozens of people, it of course isn't in one with millions.  Large societies have therefore organized "divisions of epistemic labor":

"Consider the entire range of questions pertinent to public life, all matters about what the society should aspire to and how it might realize whatever aims are set.  These topics are partitioned, divided into nonoverlapping sets, and for each set in the partition except one, a particular group of people is designated as authoritative with respect to that set.  For the remaining set, epistemic equality holds: that is, on these topics each citizen is entitled to make up his/her own mind. …

"[W]hat ideals to adopt, or what goals to pursue … should be assigned to that set of topics on which citizens should make up their own minds.  Moreover some questions about facts might also belong in this set, issues about which each of us can be expected to be competent, or even privileged."

I'll denote as "Set A" the topics Kitcher says should reside in the domain of the public at large.

  Kitcher asserts that increasing public wariness of science boils down to this:  Many have concluded that scientists have arrogated to themselves decisions on set-A topics that should be reserved for the body politic as a whole.  In molecular biology, particularly the use of embryonic stem cells and cloning, they believe that scientists have pre-empted fundamental decisions on the value of life, which belong to set A.  The same applies to the contentious issue of GMOs and the fear many have about polluting the environment, another set-A topic.  The perception of science thus "running amok" spills over to the most important issue of all, global warming, where the populace should clearly listen to the experts, but many don't because of accumulated doubts about scientists' integrity and objectivity.  I myself suspect that this increased mistrust has magnified anti-evolution and creationist fervor beyond its levels a half century ago.

  To cope with this erosion of trust, Kitcher proposes a way to align science better with democratically derived values.  He calls it "well-ordered science," a paradigm in which "specification of the problems to be pursued would be endorsed by an ideal conversation, embodying all human points of view, under conditions of mutual engagement."  Such a conversation would be conducted more in the spirit of a town-hall meeting than through today's hierarchical political mechanism.  It is a utopian concept, but one with valuable insight into the necessary interaction of science and the public in a democracy. Kitcher clearly has a Jeffersonian faith that truth will out in reasoned discourse among well-informed people.

  In even imagining the suggested "ideal conversation," a clear tension arises between two conflicting concepts of science: an autonomous effort, largely unconstrained, for discovering fundamental principles of nature (mostly a position of scientists); and a means for solving practical problems, restrained within the context of societal values (mostly a concern of the laity).  Kitcher submits that the tension must be resolved by fully enlightened, give-and-take dialogs equally involving experts who represent the viewpoint of science in the abstract and laypersons who represent the values and needs of society as a whole.

  The book devotes hundreds of pages to elaboration of "well-ordered science."  There is no way to do justice to this difficult discussion in a short essay, but a brief summary of stages of Kitcher's ideal conversation is illuminating:

  Assessment of Options.  Scientists lay out the significance of possible courses science might take, indicating which have intrinsic interest ("pure science") and which have more immediate practical potential ("applied science").  The object is to bring all discussants to a tutored state on science and to try to come to agreement, based on societal values, on options worth pursuing for the good of both abstract science and society at large.

  Certification of Results.  As the debate on global warming illustrates, a coterie of scientists cannot alone persuasively certify the results of science when faced with untutored denial and claims of fraud and misrepresentation.  Instead, certification must involve participation by informed, disinterested and trusted laypersons whose imprimatur will lend credence to results, which scientists by themselves cannot.  Standards of certification must be high and transparent, acceptable to all.

  Application of Results.  Even if scientific results are certified as true, it is not clear that a resource-limited and value-constrained society would want to take action on them, and if so, for whose benefit.  What are the benefits of building another particle accelerator compared to those of conquering cancer?   Should GMOs be further deployed, and if so how should their benefits and disbenefits enter the assessment?  How should global warming be addressed, taking account of both present needs and future menaces? 

  To many, Kitcher's scheme may appear too well-ordered—frighteningly regimented and even Big-Brotherish—undermining the classical conception of science as free-wheeling and independent in pursuing nature's truths without substantial interference.  Others will assert that there can be no agreement in the ideal conversation about the values held in set A, hence no decisions on courses of action laden with these values.   Kitcher takes pains and many pages to assuage such fears, arguing not only that they are exaggerated but that science will flourish more in a democracy using the widespread decision-making participation he proposes.  

  Although I share the concerns just mentioned, I applaud Kitcher for calling attention to an important and escalating problem and examining it rationally.  His prescriptions may seem utopian, but it is often necessary to strive for an otherworldly utopia in order to achieve a worldly harmony.